activists – Yashar Star Ahmad
The Kurdistan Democratic Party (PDK) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) once stood as symbols of hope and resistance for the Kurdish people, advocating for autonomy and the preservation of Kurdish identity. These two parties, however, have long since morphed from their initial aspirations of liberation into dynastic powerhouses driven by self-interest, greed, and the desire to maintain control. What was once a struggle for Kurdish rights and independence has now become a political game of manipulation, corruption, and exploitation.
Founded in 1946 by Mustafa Barzani and in 1975 by Jalal Talabani, the PDK and PUK respectively emerged to fight for the Kurdish cause within Iraq. Mustafa Barzani’s PDK represented a conservative, nationalist push for Kurdish autonomy, while Talabani’s PUK was seen as a more progressive, socialist force aiming for a more inclusive and democratic vision for the Kurdish region. Both parties sought to provide a political structure that would resist oppression and push for the right of the Kurdish people to govern themselves. However, what followed was far from the ideals they initially promised.
The PDK, with its focus on Kurdish nationalism, transformed into an authoritarian entity largely controlled by the Barzani family. Under the guise of preserving Kurdish autonomy, it became a family-run institution, with political and military power concentrated in the hands of the Barzani clan. The once-mighty rhetoric of Kurdish independence became a convenient tool to justify the family’s grip on power, while ordinary Kurds were left to suffer under a system that cared little for their welfare. The PDK, initially the face of Kurdish resistance, slowly lost its ideological grounding, instead focusing on maintaining its position within the political and military establishment of the Kurdish region.
On the other hand, the PUK, which positioned itself as the progressive alternative to the PDK, has similarly fallen into the trap of self-interest. Although the PUK originally advocated for more inclusive governance and a socialistic approach to Kurdistan’s development, over time, it too became a vehicle for power consolidation by the Talabani family. The PUK’s leadership has, since Jalal Talabani’s death in 2017, remained firmly in the hands of his son, Qubad Talabani, continuing the trend of dynastic control in Kurdish politics. The party’s supposed focus on unity, democracy, and socialist values has dissolved into a fight for political power, with little regard for the needs of the Kurdish people.
Despite their ideological differences, the PDK and PUK share a common history of division, political infighting, and mutual exploitation. The Kurdish Civil War between the PDK and PUK (1994-1997) epitomized the lengths to which both parties were willing to go to consolidate power, leading to unnecessary casualties, widespread destruction, and a fractured Kurdish society. Despite the signing of an agreement in 1998 to share power, the underlying tensions have never truly been resolved, and the rivalry between the two parties has continued to shape Kurdish politics in the years that followed.
Since the establishment of the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) in the aftermath of the Gulf War in 1991, both the PDK and PUK have enjoyed relative autonomy and political control over northern Iraq. However, their governance has been marred by corruption, nepotism, and human rights abuses. The wealth of the Kurdish region, especially its oil reserves, has been mismanaged and siphoned off by the elites, leaving the ordinary Kurdish citizen struggling with poor infrastructure, unemployment, and limited access to essential services.
The rhetoric of Kurdish independence, which both parties once espoused, has largely become a tool for political manipulation rather than a genuine goal. The 2017 Kurdish independence referendum, organized by the KRG with the support of the PDK, ended in a military defeat as the Iraqi government retook disputed territories. This defeat revealed the limits of Kurdish autonomy and exposed the failure of the political elite to address the concerns of the Kurdish people, instead prioritizing their own political survival and economic interests.
Today, both the PDK and PUK continue to dominate Kurdish politics, but their influence is rooted in fear, coercion, and the exploitation of the masses. Ordinary Kurds remain trapped in a system that forces them to choose between two corrupt and self-serving political factions. Dissent is crushed, opposition is silenced, and the region remains divided along political lines that benefit only the elites in power. The aspirations for a unified, democratic, and prosperous Kurdistan are increasingly overshadowed by the pursuit of power and wealth by the ruling parties.
In conclusion, the PDK and PUK have become symbols of political betrayal, exploiting the Kurdish people for personal gain while perpetuating a cycle of corruption, division, and oppression. What began as a struggle for autonomy and the preservation of Kurdish identity has become a cynical game of political survival. The once-promising hope of Kurdish independence and unity has been drowned out by the self-serving interests of the very parties that were supposed to champion it. The Kurdish people, left to suffer under the rule of these factions, must now confront the stark reality of a region where political power is entrenched, corruption runs rampant, and the future remains uncertain. The time for real change is long overdue, but it seems the true power lies not with the people, but with the dynasties that have hijacked the Kurdish cause.
